The controversial “foreign agent” bill, expanding the scope of espionage in the Turkish Penal Code, has been withdrawn after strong opposition, including from women’s organizations. However, the government plans to revise and resubmit it after budget talks, considering opposition input.
The controversial provision introducing the offense of “foreign agent” in a draft law discussed in the Turkish Grand National Assembly (TBMM) has been withdrawn. The government plans to revise and reintroduce the proposal.
In the last few months there has been calls to reject a proposed legislative amendment that seeks to expand the definition of espionage in such a vague manner that it could criminalize legitimate work by human rights defenders, journalists, and other civil society actors in the country.
The “draft law that includes an amendment titled “Committing crimes against the security or political interests of the state.” The amendment adds a new article, 339A, to Türkiye’s criminal code, creating an aggravated offense of a crime against the security of the state.
The bill, criticized by opposition parties and press associations for its “ambiguous language that could lead to a witch hunt,” has sparked collective opposition as it poses a new obstacle to press and freedom of expression in Turkey.
An article published on October 28 by the SES Equality, Justice, and Women’s Platform highlighted a petition campaign launched by civil society against the “foreign agent” bill. In a joint statement by 93 civil society organizations, including the SES Equality and Solidarity Association, the groups demanded the rejection of the excessively broad and vague bill, which proposes amendments to the Turkish Penal Code and threatens civil society.
The Women for Equality Platform (EŞİK) issued the following assessment of the foreign agent bill:
“It is impossible to predict what we might face if the foreign agent regulation is approved by the Turkish Grand National Assembly (TBMM) and becomes law. The bill grants vast discretion to its implementers, making the outcomes of its application equally unpredictable.
Although it initially appears to target journalists and activists, the ‘foreign agent’ amendment could potentially be used to negatively affect almost everyone. For instance, it could target businesses with foreign partnerships or dealings abroad, or even individuals expressing their opinions, regardless of foreign connections. This ambiguity leaves its application entirely to the imagination of its implementers, making it possible to include anyone and anything under its scope.”
Russia’s Foreign Agent Law: 885 Organizations Designated Since 2012
This bill draws parallels to Russia’s 2012 “foreign agent” law, which required NGOs involved in “political activities” and receiving foreign funding to register as “foreign agents.” Between 2012 and 2024, data from Russia-based OVD-Info shows that 855 organizations and individuals were labeled under this law.
Once designated, these entities or individuals must publicly disclose foreign funding, submit to regular state inspections, and prepare detailed financial and operational reports. In many cases, they are prohibited from participating in political activities or certain types of public events, significantly limiting their ability to operate freely.
Similar “foreign agent” frameworks have been implemented in Hungary and Georgia, echoing the restrictive measures seen in Russia.
The proposed legislation in Turkey raises similar concerns, as it risks stifling civil society, limiting freedom of expression, and criminalizing legitimate activities under the guise of national security. Such laws undermine democratic values and create an environment of fear and self-censorship, posing serious challenges to the principles of transparency and accountability in governance.
Source: BBC NEWS Turkish